Jobbik's Party Leadership

The authors of Jobbik's success

The question of why the Movement for a Better Hungary has been able to catapult itself to such prominence, in such a short period of time, can perhaps be best explained by a description of the background, character and motivations of the party’s leadership.

GÁBOR VONA, Party Chairman and Parliamentary Caucus Leader
The Jobbik chairman was born into a staunchly anti-Communist farming family in rural Hungary. He was accepted to read History at the prestigious ELTE University in Budapest, where he eventually qualified in his trade of school history teacher. Though involvement in the University’s Catholic society was his main social pursuit while there, a chance encounter in the refectory led to him being invited to a gathering of Christian conservative students, concerned about the welfare of the Hungarian nation. This gathering led to the formation of a society that was the precursor of the Movement for a Better Hungary, or Jobbik. He was elected party chairman in 2006 at the age of 28. Since that time, it is no exaggeration to say that he has become the defining figure of Hungarian politics. Given that almost all political parties in Hungary now concern themselves with agenda, that he has brought into the public sphere.

The pattern has been the same. First, Jobbik has broken a political taboo. Extending the moratorium on foreign arable land ownership, for example. Or addressing the socio-economic circumstances of Hungary’s Gypsy population. Through the provision of a dedicated rural police force, or gendarmerie, to deal with crime; combined with social policy and educational reform, to deal with the causes of that crime. Second, Jobbik’s statements are then met with faux political outrage nationally and incited hysteria, at times, internationally. Third, all the other parliamentary parties eventually resign themselves to realizing they have no choice but to – finally – face the valid issues Jobbik has raised. Fourth, these eventually then become part of their own political agendas. Extending the moratorium, initially subject to persistent and indignant claims of unfeasibility, is now the policy of everyone. Similarly, all parties now recognize the need to establish a dedicated rural police force; only omitting to calling it by its historic name.

Gábor has accomplished this by pioneering a form of political thought that considers nationalism not so much as an ideology, but as a criteria for judging the comparative worth of political policy. His assertion that Hungary’s crisis is as bad as it is, because of the deliberate actions of politicians who sought their personal enrichment above the public good, and that the circumstance that has resulted is so radically bad that it requires radical intervention; has struck such a chord with the Hungarian electorate precisely because it is that electorate that has been the wellspring of this sentiment.

He has stated that he believes that Hungary’s recovery will be accomplished by whichever politician succeeds in returning the Hungarian population’s confidence and self-respect. Cerebral and softly-spoken, he cuts an unprepossessing yet resolute figure on the Hungarian public stage; and is perhaps most notable for his disarming sense of humour, which frequently causes members of the audience at Jobbik public forums to be doubled-up with laughter. He lives in a modest apartment on a housing estate in the suburban Óbuda region of Budapest, with his wife and young family. And describes the fear of having to look his infant child in the eye one day, to tell them that when their nation was in crisis, he did nothing; as the main source of his motivation and energy.

Prof. KRISZTINA MORVAI, MEP and Presidential Nominee
Krisztina holds both a JD and a PhD, was a Fulbright scholar, is qualified as a judge, and retains the post of Associate Professor at the ELTE University Faculty of Law. Her original specialisation in criminal law led her to the subject that would dominate her professional career, and she remains to this day Hungary’s foremost human rights advocate. In addition to writing the country’s seminal work on domestic violence, she also worked for the UN, coming into direct contact with the plight of the Palestinian people; a cause which remains close to her heart to this day.

The mother of three came to national prominence following her collation of evidence, and tireless pursuit of the Hungarian government, following the brutalities and atrocities committed by the state on and after the 23rd October 2006. (She watched her children choking on tear gas, and witnessed the police's cavalry-sabre armed mounted charges against peaceful demonstrators first hand.) Her abiding concern continues to be the systematic violations of human rights which are committed in Hungary to this day, in particular with respect to arrest, detention, evidentiary procedure  and trial. Her doggedness in this regard led to an approach by Gábor Vona, asking her to head Jobbik’s European Parliamentary list in 2009. They both agreed that she should not become a member of the party.

The objective being not to engage her in party-political activity, but rather to provide her with the opportunity of expanding her tireless defence of the interests of Hungarians, onto an international level. Krisztina's irrepressible tenacity and persistence in this regard since becoming an MEP, in such contrast to the sheepish compliance that had characterised Hungary’s role in the EU to date, has already earned her both the nickname of “Hungary’s voice in Europe,” and the Movement for a Better Hungary’s nomination for President of the Hungarian Republic.

CSANÁD SZEGEDI, Party Vice-Chairman and MEP
Given that Csanád’s father is a professional artisan of Hungarian traditional carving, it is unsurprising that he developed an attachment to and appreciation for Hungarian heritage both ancient and modern, at an early age. His knowledge of the unique history of the Magyars is unrivalled in the party, and he has also authored a best-selling book which has collected together ancient Hungarian given names, to prevent them from falling into extinction. In the same vein he is also the founder of the highly successful Turul clothing retailer, which specializes in traditional Hungarian dress. He began travelling to the Magyar populated regions of Hungary’ neighbouring countries at 16, and established an association which still operates today allowing youth exchanges between these territories.

Unlike most Hungarian politicians there is no Magyar populated area of the Carpathian Basin that he is not, personally, familiar with. Csanád’s chief national and international role is to act as the champion of these communities, cruelly separated from their compatriots by history, who continue to this day to be deprived of the right to self-determination.  He is an unapologetic, strident  and vociferous critic of the continued deprivation by the established parties in Hungary, of the Hungarian citizenship that should be these communities’ birthright. And as an MEP, he is equally vocal over the utter scandal, of the wilful European disinterest over the daily injustices suffered by the millions of Magyars these communities represent. Such as acts of legally sanctioned persecution, and attempted cultural-ethnic cleansing, like the Slovak Language Act, which makes the use of the Hungarian tongue an offense punishable by law.

ZOLTÁN BALCZÓ, Party Vice-Chairman and Deputy Speaker of Parliament
As a party dedicated to serving the national interest, Jobbik’s relationship with international and trans-national bodies is a key question. Though not opposed in principle to the EU, we are highly critical of what it has become in practise. And will continue to oppose, the subtle, deliberate, slow erosion both of national sovereignty and national identity that those in the EU with a federalist agenda are carrying out against member nations. In contrast Jobbik promotes an opposite scenario, a “Europe of the Nations”. Dedicated to the diversity of European nationalities not their homogenization. Arguing for this alternative is the main international responsibility of Zoltán. As is the finding of any common partner in this endeavour, provided they do not maintain anti-Magyar policies. Apart from specific issues, we believe categorically in the sovereignty of nations. And are sick and tired of the fact that the only time the EU seems attached to the idea of subsidiarity, is when the persecution of Hungarians in other countries is on the agenda.

In his role as MEP Zoltán has expanded on his national reputation for holding post-Communists to account, buy now doing so at the international level too, against the likes of José Manuel Barroso. As a politician with considerable parliamentary experience in Hungary, he has also played a prominent role in preparing Jobbik and its prospective MPs, so that they may be as effective as possible, as soon as possible, in the House of the Nation. He is also a noted critic of the neo-liberal economic free-for-all promoted in Hungary by other trans-national bodies such as the WTO. Whose adoption in Hungary has seen the systematic erosion of the ability of Hungarian businesses to compete fairly and effectively.

GÁBOR SZABÓ, Party Vice-Chairman and Campaigns Director
Any press article that chooses to laughably call Jobbik “anti-democratic” always unsurprisingly forgets to mention certain key facts. For candidates to stand at elections, Hungarian law requires them to collect so-called “endorsement slips” from members of the public, in addition to individual constituency candidates the parties must also collate national electoral lists. Apart from the fact that the only PM candidate in Hungary willing to stand as a constituency candidate is Gábor Vona; Jobbik was the first party in Hungary to collate all the endorsement slips necessary for its candidates. And was also the first party to submit its lists, in doing so it has repeated a pattern already established at the European elections. Again it was the first party to meet all the electoral requirements laid down by the National Electoral Commission (OVB). It was the only main party not to exceed, by several hundred million forints, the regulations governing campaign funding. And is similarly, the only main party not currently under concerted criminal investigation for the violation of electoral law. This is all largely the work of Gábor, our campaign manager.

A founder member of the party, he is responsible for coordinating the massive efforts Jobbik undertakes to bring its election manifesto direct to the people. Given the press restrictions under which Jobbik has always operated, the Movement for a Better Hungary has been forced by circumstance to grow primarily at the grass roots level. During this 2010 parliamentary election campaign for example, our national politicians have travelled the length and breadth of the country to take part in over 4000 local residents’ forums. Which give the public the first-hand opportunity of listening to, meeting, and asking questions of Jobbik politicians. In addition to getting copies of the party’s manifesto and other campaign material, to read for themselves without any press distortion or interference. Sadly, systematic electoral fraud – usually in favour of the Socialist party – has also been a feature of recent years in Hungary; and Gábor’s responsibilities extend to the provision of electoral observers both nationally and internationally to minimize the impact of such practise.

ELŐD NOVÁK, Party Vice-Chairman and Communications Director
Előd probably has the hardest job in Hungarian politics, being the press chief of a political party that has been subject to a virtual press embargo, since its inception. Virtually the entirety of the Hungarian media is either politically owned or politically run, and given that the parties doing this running are precisely the ones whose endemic corruption Jobbik has wished to bring to end since day one; has basically guaranteed the thoroughly inaccurate picture drawn of Jobbik both nationally and internationally. A recent revelation by Hungary’s National Broadcasting Commission showed that despite being third in 2009’s European elections, in the 2010 general election campaign Jobbik received 0.7% of the total airtime given to political parties on TV. It is also generally known in reporting circles that the European press also operates a general ‘censorship by silence’ rule when it comes to Nationalist parties. Only giving time to stories when they are completely unavoidable, and even then confining the piece to the repetition of accusations and variations of a “party of hate” script; no matter how many dozens of times this may have been shown to be complete rubbish. Which of course precludes any possibility of deeper analysis, or actual examination of policy.

That Jobbik has managed to succeed, indeed thrive, in such an environment is in no small measure down to Előd’s efforts, not only, in dealing with the press on the few occasions it has come to make enquiries, but also, in the formation of an entirely new and separate stream of media that Hungarians could access without any interference from an intermediary. Jobbik’s official blogs, Jobbik TV, the distribution of party publications, social networking and the skilful use of posters, all on a budget tiny in comparison to that of our political opponents. Jobbik’s success in this area is now so considerable that the mainstream media is increasingly becoming superfluous to us. To say nothing of the fact that such a wealth of deliberately false reporting has been a positive source of people actually joining Jobbik, because they end up wanting to know the truth that their media provider has decided to conceal from them.

Dr CSABA GYÜRE, Party Vice-Chairman
Recent Hungarian politics has been characterised by an alarming and unfortunate disconnect between a spoilt and privileged metropolitan political elite, which has resorted to anything to maintain itself in power, utterly oblivious to the realities faced by the average Hungarian citizen. Nowhere is this more true than in the crime ridden, industrially abandoned, effectively non-policed, and tragically poverty-stricken East and North-East of Hungary. In direct contrast to such pampered politicians who pay much more attention to fashionable cosmopolitan concerns, Jobbik is fortunate to have people like Csaba, who lives and works in this region of Hungary; and is a direct conduit for their concerns into the mainstream of Hungarian political discourse. A lawyer by trade, his involvement in Hungarian politics dates right back to student campaigns he organized, which were part of Hungary’s “regime change” in 1989.

LEVENTE MURÁNYI, Party Vice-Chairman
Though Jobbik was initially founded by scholars, as a students’ association, it’s transformation into a political party began when another significant group of people became involved in the Movement for a Better Hungary. Namely, veterans of the 1956 Hungarian Uprising. People in fact, like Levente; who not only took part in that heroic action, but also the abortive rebellion that took place in the March of the following year. His youth saved him from the death sentences that were given to his fellow fighters, and consigned him instead to prison. Until 1989 in fact, this background was to hamper his professional endeavours. But afterwards he became involved in Hungarian politics and continues to this day, giving speeches not only in Hungary, but around the world to Jobbik Friends of Hungary groups. In many ways he is Jobbik’s moral compass, and also serves as the party’s head of protocol.